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To put the rest of the discussion in context they should be mentioned here, however.
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Since these ethnic elites often espoused non-establishment, left-leaning views, Urdu came to be associated with official Paki- stani nationalism and Islam.
It is also associated with non-elitist schooling in Pakistan the elitist one being in English as has been brought out in several publications Rahman How- ever, the association with Islam was gaining in strength and sali- ence since the nineteenth century when Urdu started replacing Persian and Arabic as the major language of South Asian Islam Rahman In post-partition India too Urdu remains a sym- bol of Muslim identity and is very much in evidence in Muslim minority politics Farouqui In view of the salience of these political and ideological identities of Urdu, it is ignored that from the late eighteenth cen- tury onwards till almost the end of the beginning of the twentieth century the language was associated with the amorous and the erotic as well as some other variables of Muslim identity — Islam, Muslim political aspirations in South Asia and education — which have been mentioned already.
This particular association, with the amorous and the erotic, was primarily with Urdu poetry but, since the language was taught through literature, it extended to the language itself. The reformers of Muslim society, aware of this nexus, tried to break it and, instead, strengthened the associa- tion with Islam which, too, was formed during the same period. The erotic and the amorous was associated with moral degeneration, decadence and blamed for backwardness and po- litical defeat of the Muslim ruling elite.
This moral and political imperative and the steps taken to bring the amorous and erotic themes in Urdu literature into disrepute and create a culture shame and silence about them have been described in some detail in Rahman The erotic is excluded to such an extent from the officially constructed identities of Pakistani Muslims that the classics of Persian and Arabic, which are proudly owned as being Muslim heritage languages, are not taught in unexpurgated editions in Pakistani universities.
And in India it is a theme which does not bear placing in a serious con- text either in Muslim politics or in the Hindutva one for both of which it is a stigma to be shunned. In short, the reformist dis- course excludes the erotic and amorous for ideological and po- litical reasons. Such exclusion began in the nineteenth century and some of the reformist themes of the literature produced in Urdu during this period bears closer re-examination because it tells us what kind of associations existed in the minds of the educated public about much of Urdu poetry.
Boys ogled the good-looking Mubtila making him narcissis- tic ibidem, p. He was always staring at the mirror at himself and was not interested in his plain wife ibidem, p. But now Mubtila turns to women and, of course, his taste for Urdu poetry becomes stronger. So he burns them. The books which are burnt include the classics of Urdu poetry and were read by al- most all educated people of the day though they are confined to specialists today1.
However, books other than poetry are also included. Such works, products of modernist, reforming Muslims as they were, reinforced the association of the erotic with Urdu poetry in the public imagination. Both the exemplars of modern Urdu literature, Azad and Hali, discredited the medieval world view which included the description of female and boyish beauty as a perennial theme. Hali argues against the description of boyish beauty because, in his view, it is unnatural.
Besides these great names, other reformers too associated Urdu literature with eroticism. In short, there was an association of Urdu with the erotic and it was a source of anxiety for the reformers of the Indian Muslim society. The re- formers dealt with it in various ways: modernizing literary norms in Urdu with reference to English literature Azad and Hali ; creating new reformist texts Nazir Ahmad ; purging the canon of classical Urdu literature to create a sanitized, highly puritani- cal, pedagogical model for the mass consumption of the Urdu- reading public, especially students; and abandoning Urdu for English literature or language-teaching without the literary com- ponent educational decision-makers; school and college teachers and even academics in universities.
Did it have any basis in reality? These are questions which the follow- ing sections will attempt to answer. The place of the erotic in Muslim literature Medieval literature in Muslim cultural languages — Arabic, Per- sian and Turkish — had an erotic content.
This was natural, one part of life among many others, and was not the exclusive focus of the narrative. It was formulaic in the sense that beauty, both female and boyish, was described in certain fixed, conventional terms.
Sexual desire was also described as the normal response to beauty. The sexual organs and intercourse itself were described in metaphorical, stylized, language though at places body parts were also referred to in words normally tabooed in society. This, however, was not in an erotic context as it is in pornography.
The point is that, unlike the pornographer, the authors of classical literature in Muslim cultural languages were representing life — the whole of life that is — through certain conventional narrative devices. It is oneirism, collective experience and liberation through speech.
But the famous Alf laila, paradigmatic though it is, is not the only example of literature with a healthy, accepting, attitude towards the erotic. Almost all the classics of Arabic, Persian and Turkish literature have the same attitude.
It is full of anecdotes, fables and aphorisms somehow related to the above deeply religious themes. And yet, in common with medie- val norms of writing in the Muslim world, there are fables which would now be considered erotic and even obscene. The Mawlana also uses both the accepted, respectable words for the human anatomy and also ones which have earthy connotations and are tabooed in respectable writings today collected in an appendix and defended against the charge of indecency by Iqbal Boy love in Muslim literature and society The pervasiveness of boy-love in Persian and Turkish Muslim cultures is brought out, respectively, by Najmabadi and Andrews and Kalpakli Najmabadi makes the astute ob- servation mentioned above, that the pre-modern beloved was a boy amrad who, like women zan , belonged to the category of those who could be penetrated.
Modernity changed this and Ira- nians became ashamed of this fact of their cultural past. The pub- lic space became hetero-socialized and male homosociality was heterosexualized during this era. The amrad disappeared from cultural imagination. Such an analysis is required for the Urdu-using culture of North India where gender was perceived in the same way as in Iran.
The role of the amrad in this culture, as expressed in the Urdu language, has not been fully analyzed. The lines along which the culture of 18th century Indian Muslim elite can be analyzed is provided by The Age of Beloveds Andrews and Kalpakli Even in , when the Pakistani scholar Afzal Iqbal started writing his book on Rumi he was anxious to defend Rumi on the possible charge of sensuality see Iqbal This is true of Urdu culture again.
This, again, is true for the Urdu culture. It needs to be investigated for initial steps in this direction see Naim ; Rahman This is true of Indian Muslims who saw themselves as perpetuators of the Persian tradition. The two authors connect Ottoman sexuality with politics. They write: From our perspective, because the absolutist monarchy, and the society that it rules, is also phallocentric, its pedophilia placing the object of desire in the role of child, either actually or structur- ally is also fundamentally homoerotic the hierarchy of domina- tion is male on top of male.
Andrews and Kalpakli Decadence and loss of political power One popular theory in modern Indian Muslim writings is that the decadence of society was a consequence of the loss of political power. A reading of texts from the medieval Indian period clearly shows that power was manifested in the possession of coercive ability which gave a person the ability to gratify himself women were generally excluded from power by possessing tangible and intangible goods such as prestige.
Among the tangible goods were sex objects — women and beautiful boys. Thus the Mughal rulers had large harems Lal and a very active sex life.
It was when political power was lost that people, especially re- formers and apologists of this ruthless power, started propagating the theory that sexual excesses or promiscuity brought about the ruin of the Mughal or other empires. Although Muslim political power was challenged by the eighteenth century in India, their cultural dominance was very much in place. He describes the capital of the declining Mughal empire as a place devoted to pleasures of all kinds.
The descriptions of boy dancers and women who painted their bare legs as if they were wearing tight trousers may give one the feeling that Delhi was the most decadent of cities in the eighteenth century.
But Paris and Lon- don, at the height of their colonial power, had all the pleasures which Delhi possessed Bloch Similarly the Lucknow of the Nawabs which Abdul Halim Sharar describes was not more profligate than, say, London, though, of course, the practice of having many women in the harem was reminiscent of medieval Muslim capitals at the height of their power. But they were not any more virtuous even in Victorian England than Indian cities.
Thus, the real reason why the erotic element in Urdu literature is con- demned so unequivocally these days is not because such pleas- ures were found in certain urban centres or the rich indulged in them but because it is the product of a militarily defeated culture. And when one is defeated everything one does or possesses can be, and generally is, condemned.
The defeat is not easy to ex- plain and the tendency of everyone, most of all the reformers of the defeated party, is to blame pleasure, especially sexual pleas- ure, for the defeat. The erotic theme in early Urdu writings The earliest specimens of the erotic in Urdu poetry go back to the time of Muslim power not to its decline. It has twelve chapters describing sexual matters.
However, since Urdu came into its own at the time of the decline of Muslim political power, probably the most obscene of the Urdu poets is also one of the earliest, at least in north India.
This is Meer Mohammad Jafar Zatalli d. He was a satirist in both Persian and Urdu and the obscene words he uses are not a part of the Urdu erotic tradition. Nor are they meant for evoking sexual pleasure. Instead, they are obviously meant to shock, out- rage, express contempt and belittle others.
He responded to it by making fun of it. He was murdered, probably at the instiga- tion of King Farrukh Siyar r. Zatalli created no tradition.
His effect on Urdu literature is minimal. So it is not because of his use of ob- scenities that Urdu literature came to be associated with love and sex. The narrator loves a boy who is indif- ferent to him.
In this the narrator meets a beautiful boy who was, how- ever, unsophisticated in the art of charming men.
He is discussing the norms of role-playing in a conventional society. Moreover, he is upholding decency because, like the behavioral norms enjoined upon the Greek boy eromenos or ephebos Do- ver 16 , there were certain forms of good behaviour ex- pected from the amrad also.
Modernity has changed the categorization upon which boy- love was based.
He flourished during the rule of Asif ud-Daulah as he has been mentioned in several couplets. In some cases the names of prostitutes are also mentioned but mostly, like all pornographers, the poet is concerned with types of fornication. Bechaen was from Rampur.
His verses were collected together by Qudrat cAli Qudrat in He writes mostly in Urdu but there are poems in Persian too. The Accursed Satan! No one shares with you in the distinction of being the accursed one. Here too some prostitutes are mentioned by name but most re- main anonymous. Elements of the hazal — couplets and even complete poems — are found interspersed in the works of some of the classical poets.
These days they are either not printed or printed with blank spaces in their poetic collections. One No. He is also one of the few, even among the hazal-go-s, to write on menstrua- tion.
Excretion is an obsession with him and even when he is mentioning sexual acts he brings in some allusion to excretion. Sex is used as a weapon; a device for insulting people; a means of embarrassing them. And this usage is based on the assumptions and values of a feu- dal society in which the crude use of power is a reality of life. This society was rigidly hierarchical and the male gender role was placed higher than the female one.
Sexual acts outside the institution of marriage — in which case they were not discussed — were seen as conquests. For the male they brought honour; for the female, dishonour. And if a male boy, eunuch or man took the female role of being penetrated there was dishonour for him.
It is in the context of these power relations and perceptions of reality that the world view of these anthologies of the hazal must be understood. Why not share! Embed Size px.
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Show More. No Downloads. Views Total views. Actions Shares. Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide.In the said book "Jinnat Sex aur Insan", Mr. He cries, sighs and grows pale and ill with the pain of sepa- ration. Upcoming SlideShare. He flourished during the rule of Asif ud-Daulah as he has been mentioned in several couplets.
He has also pointed out some basis of Jinns in Lahore Pakistan. His effect on Urdu literature is minimal. Forster, E. Lizzat Un Nisa is one of the few surviving erotics works from the period.
The scene of copulation is described in a for- mulaic manner an early example being from Manjhan for the translation of which in English see Behl and Weightman