CARTA DE PERO VAZ DE CAMINHA PDF
posto que o Capitão-mor desta Vossa frota, e assim os outros capitães escrevam a Vossa Alteza a notícia do achamento desta Vossa terra nova, que se agora. PDF | Este artigo trata da história da Botânica do Nordeste, relatada a partir da Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. I also consulted and used when appropriate the transcribed included version in A carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha, ed. Jaime Cortes?o (Rio de Janeiro: de.
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Imagens Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. p. 1 / Embed or link this publication. Description. Imagens Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. Cargado por Download as PDF or read online from Scribd .. sambaqui-arqueologia-do-litoral-brasileiro-madu-gaspar. pdf. Letter of Pero Vaz de Caminha - Download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read Zamora has revealed, this the prior, unpublished version of the Carta a.
Cabrals voyagelike Columbusswas not one of discovery, but rather was destined for India in order to establish a feitoria or trading station and thus consolidate Portugals monopoly over this trade route one that had already established by Bartolomeu Dias, who rounded the cape of Good Hope in , and Vasco da Gama, who made it all the way to India and returned to Portugal in There has been some discussion about whether Cabral had prior knowledge of Brazils existence and whether this is the reason why he steered so far westward as to land on the coast of South America rather than following the African shoreline south, but there is apparently no documentary evidence to support this view.
Caminha doesnt use either of the words Discovery or Invention to characterize Cabrals landingthe word he uses is achamento or findingbut his text has long animated discussions about the nature of the discovery, whether accidental or intentional, as well as about its participation in the invention or creation of a Brazilian nation. This is surely the sense used in a recent Brazilian TV miniseries entitled A Inveno do Brasil The Invention of Brazil , which portrays a friendly and highly sexualized encounter between a Portuguese explorer and Brazilian native women.
This is a foundational fiction whose fictiveness is rarely questioned, so prevalent is the mythology about the peaceful nature of Portuguese colonization and the origins of Brazil in the happy union of different races. Although the miniseries focuses on a different episode found in early chronicles of Brazil, its representation of the encounter is quite similar to the canonical readings of Caminhas letter, according to which the document is not only Brazils birth certificate, but one that attests to a painless delivery.
While it is easy to criticize such retrospective idealizations of national origins, Caminhas text does offer an account of a relatively peaceful encounter as well as some statements of admiration for the Brazilian natives whose appearance he quite elaborately describes. Caminha focuses on people, rather than nature, although when he does depict the natural setting it is with the imprecise, aggrandized, and instrumentalized vocabulary we are familiar with in Columbus: very beautiful shores, very extensive forests, endless waters, such that if one cares to profit by it, everything will grow in it There are several scenes of intermingling between the Portuguese sailors and Brazilian natives, usually involving music, dancing, and other unnamed forms of diversion These scenes, alongside Caminhas affirmations that the natives bodies are so clean and so fat and so beautiful that they could not be more so 23 , have been read as evidence of Caminhas genuine respect for Amerindians.
Taken together with his claim that I shall not set down here anything more than I saw and thought, either to beautify or to make it less attractive 5 , most readings of Caminha praiseor at least take for grantedhis objectivity and impartiality.
Comparative readings of Caminhas and Columbuss letters, of which there are several, tend to offer Caminhas objectivity, and admiration for or comprehension of Amerindians, as the most salient points of contrast between the two. It seems to me that these readings suffer from two levels of naivet: first, by taking Caminhas claims to objectivity at face value. The authors minor role on the expedition, a scribe rather than the leader and thus with much less investment than Columbus in the accounts effect on its audience, is perhaps sufficient to explain the lack of conspicuous authorial presence and intervention that we find in Columbus.
But it is also worth pointing out that Caminhas letter ends with a personal petition to the Crown, similar to that of Columbuss letter to the sovereigns as Margarita Zamora has revealed, this the prior, unpublished version of the Carta a Santngel : to pardon his son-in-law and release him from exile. Second, if the canonical and comparative readings have underplayed Caminhas selective interpretation of events or the possibly interested nature of his representations, they have also offered their own rather selective interpretations of Caminhas text.
Letter of Pêro Vaz de Caminha
To return to the example I just gave of Caminhas difference with respect to Columbus: the description of the scenes of peaceful intermingling and the context of the expressions of admiration for the Brazilian natives are rather revealing. With regard to the former, Caminha is careful to present the movements and interactions in the scenes of contact as orchestrated by the Portuguese: we told them to draw back and lay down there bows usually pointing out that some did, but others didnt 9, 18, they put them down, and did not draw back much.
It is enough to say that they put down their bows, 14 ; we showed them sheep, hens, food, wine which they generally ignored or disliked 12 ; we made signs for them to leave, and they did so One of the most interesting scenes of interminglingand the one that precipitates the passage I quoted with regard to the natives health and beautyis when Diogo Dias, an agreeable and pleasure- loving man, crosses the river to amuse them with his bagpipe-playing and dancing: they laughed and enjoyed themselves greatly, we read, And although he reassured and flattered them a great deal with this, they soon became sullen like wild men and went away upstream 22, my emphasis.
Between Christianity and Costumbre: Religious Syncretism and Resistance in Latin America. Jonathan D. Jump to Page. Search inside document. Edwin Silva. Thomas Tuoti. Tias Bradbury. Franco Cent. Iuliia Korniichuk. Izabel Ibiapina. Asier Artola. David Lagunas Arias. Catalin Airinei. Duke University Press. Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. South America History. Robin M. More From Karl-Georg Scheffer. Karl-Georg Scheffer. Memoria y Fotografia. Recordando en El Alto Vaups. Trabajo de Grado 1.
Celedon - - Volcabulario de la lengua atanques. Patrick L Lysergia. Gustavo Godoy. Popular in Portuguese Empire. David Quintero. Rhetorically, Diogo Dias's initiative performs the task of conclusively demonstrating the success of Cabrai's nonaggressive policy. Logistically, however, it is evident Cabrai believed a sailor's good nature was useful in securing trust and communication with the natives. After the dancing incident, we are told he sends Dias with the degredados to establish contact with the Indians "por ser h?
In fact, the Tupinamba apparently become more and begin to show in large numbers. Does this almoxarife, a trusting up public officer in charge of collecting royal taxes 47 , perchance know how to charm his victims? And even if he knows how, would that confine the dancing within the purview of imperial domination?
Letter of Pêro Vaz de Caminha
It certainly is a political and rhetorical strategy, but as a consequence of its deployment the letter stages anothermode of sociability, one that is not exhausted by the of domination. In fact, it is after Diogo Dias's incursion to the other side of the grammar river that other modes of sociability?
For shortly thereafter, the Tupinamba historically possible? They wait for the Portuguese on the shore, greet them, andmake merry with them They offer their help and engage their visitors in and conversations.
Women and children to show up as well. The exchanges begin arrangement of the narrative? The narrative perspective still space emanates from this side of the river, but Diogo Dias's participation has emotionally it on the other side.
In Lucia Nuti's terms, a partial and limited chorographical grounded vision a totalizing geographical one. Though here: It is almost like are too mixed. What is Caminha unwittingly hinting at here? Tupinamba a conversa? Giucci, Sem fc, Ici ou rei Chorography and Vision in the Renaissance," Mappings, ed.
Francisco Ortega 31 Why are the Portuguese withdrawing, an attitude Caminha claimed demonstrated Tupinamba wildness? What did the Portuguese have to do what is it that they have done? Embarrassed, the narrator realizes the Tupinamba are more friends with the Portuguese than they are with the Tupinamba, "como se f?
On hearing Caminha's anxiety one could repeat Montaigne's maxim, which I used as an epigraph for this essay: Montaigne sixty "In the friendship I speak of, our souls mingle and blend with each other so completely that they efface the seam that joined them, and we cannot find it again" Ifamicitia, true friendship, demands self-sameness the Tupinamba's otherness reduces the amicable to tactical alliance or religious instruction.
While Tupinamba enthusiasm towards options the Portuguese may other notions of friendship at work, the narrator's unease suggest makes visible the historical limits the concept of friendship has borne inWestern political philosophy and points to a particularly insidious political ontology. Between these two, Diogo Dias's dancing suggests an opening only possible in the liminal moment wherein which the empire has not yet named its difference.
In fact, Caminha refuses to relinquish control over his own narrative. Right after the Tupinamba cautiously draw back following the shared moment of merrymaking, the narrative regains its pace as the Captain is said to decisively cross the river to further survey for water and wood. Reflectively, Caminha pauses and elaborates on the significance of the passage just described. As your Highness can see, writes him, their frightful behavior? Diogo Dias's provisional "gente friends remain Caminha's enemies.
But coevalness cannot be denied in play. As the Tupinamba dance over the other side of the river, a classical anthropological figuration as we saw, Caminha tells us that they did not hold hands. When Diogo Dias enters into the dancing space? The intimacy that ensues from such elementary face takes? More interestingly, thisface-to-face unwittingly admits that the have a political and know how to read an Tupinamba language power arrangements, 43I am much indebted to Juan Egea's discussion of the ethical import inherent in the classical literary tradition that exalts the virtues and obligations of friendship.
See Juan Egea, La poes? Jaime Gil de Biedma y la secuencia l? Face-to-Face and Play in Caminha's "Letter to the King" admission which contradicts the letter's stance. The dancing moment is "accompanied by a feeling of tension, joy and the [participants'] consciousness that it is 'different' from 'ordinary life'" Huizinga Furthermore, it was but a brief and rare granting of entrance.
The passage mentions that it quickly dissolved and the Tupinamba withdrew once again. Later, as the Portuguese try to capitalize on the feeling of fellowship by sending the degredados to sleep in the town, the Americans their presence and repeatedly return them to the Tupinamba reject comes closer to describing a ships.
Letter of Pêro Vaz de Caminha
Ifwe follow Roger Caillois' distinction, the passage moment of paidia? The Tupinamba as friends, the Portuguese as "being-in-question, the very question of being-in-question, the question-being or being-in-question of the question.
But also the one who, putting the first question, puts [the other] in question" Derrida Of Hospitality Conclusion I admit my reading is biased: I have focused on one passage while only marginally other kinds of evidence that suggest a far less gracious dimension of the letter.
There is nothing more alien tomy intentions than the "esp? Guillermo Giucci's Semf? Also, Couto, Constu?? Ensaio de comprens? O descobrimento do Brasil S?
Historia, Francisco Ortega 33 narrac?
Furthermore, by privileging this scene? I suggest three reasons to focus on this scene: First, the passage historicizes the early sixteenth century by suggesting that other modes of sociability and empathy were possible or conceivable during the period.
Secondly, itmakes evident the extent to which our understanding of colonial history is encoded by romantic and nationalistic readings. Finally, the passage suggests plausible historical alternatives to contemporary philosophical problems. To startwith I came to this passage as Iwas thinking of ways to grasp the colonial past historically. In such a project, it is important to attempt to apprehend earlier moments of as not overdetermined by what we know of the fate of European and conquest American people in the continent.
We know from historians and political philosophers that empires are put together in a haphazard manner. Examining the institutions, ideologies, and practices of empire as fixed and uncontested does not provide much understanding of the anxieties and conflicts that marked its imposition.
Though historians have assimilated this lesson, textual analysis has not moved beyond exultation or accusation, the teleological horizons of empire and postcolonial nation. Thinking the colonial past historically while reading Caminha's lettermeans remaining open to the possibility that other modes of sociability and empathy could have coexisted with the desire for conversion and wealth?
My struggle has been to talk about this ludic passage without being seduced by the guiles of empire. I am not sure I have succeeded.
But the effort is important in order to tell the story of the past without reproducing domination enacting it in our telling , by falling prey to the idea that? In fact the historical record suggests that other modes of sociability did take place, modes that were later disavowed or simply forgotten as the 46Giucci continues: Na leitura distorcida, a rela?? Por alguns momentos, as diferen? O sentimento de gratuidade se desvanece, necessariamente, diante da interven?
Indeed, the risk now is different.
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For as we identify historical possibilities that were discarded, forgotten, or repressed, there is always the temptation of indulging in a new black legend: Savage Europeans who killed Indians better1.
It has never been truer that moral criticism cozily exempts us despite knowing from transhistorical social subjects that allow us to reap the self-scrutiny by construing benefits of violence.
In fact, there is something retroactive about them as they come alive after to independence by performing a nationalist appropriation of the colonial past. This is reflected in themanuscript's history: Since then, the letter has been published an infinite number of times and has been hailed as representing a paradigmatic national text and a fundamental act of self affirmation. Contemporary criticism has moved embodying from the representational to the allegorical mode.
Thus, Eneida Leal Cunha calls the mass inCaminha's letter a primal scene for Brazil's cultural identity. Ben Brewster New York: Monthly Review P, Philosophy ; especially In this context, Iwould like to stress the interpellation effected and educational institutions in order to reproduce a particular sense of by cultural strong national affinity.
Why has this historiography -otherwise eager to stage tropes of reconciliation? I can't offer a definite response, but my sense is that, perhaps, the kind of is too useless or resistant, and it still preserves an irruptive power.
Francisco Ortega 35 The nationalist premise is that the historical record faithfully registered the encounter of two cultures, which in a dialogic process endeavored to create a new syncretic one. National curricula, historical manuals, and literary histories have endorsed this view with enthusiasm.
However, Caminha's letter is not dialogical in any truly cultural sense. There is no way we can get to the Tupinamba's voices through these texts. Very little more than the good savage and thewild men live in the letter. It is a European discourse conceived for the Crown and consumed by it. To pretend otherwise is to fall into the nationalist trap that turns colonial terror and genocide into heroic Native sacrifice and self-effacement.
Wendy Rose and other Native American activists in theAmericas recognize thiswell and warn us about its pitfalls. For them, the postcolonial publication and reception of the letter signal instead thatwe live in a period of mourning Rose And yet, though history does not begin with Caminha's letter,we have to begin by this and similar texts in order to be able to read the past critically.
For, even interrogating if the letter is not in a cultural sense, it carries a trace of the actual encounter dialogical with the Tupinamba, a trace of that other presence, a trace that is at the same time revealing and concealing because of the historical juncture of an empire that has not yet reached the land. The trace is surely relevant and inevitable, as the name and provisional source. But, just like the original name and source, it is both, impossible to access and impossible to ignore.
Therefore, the goal is to search the historical archive for repressed and displaced friendships through a deconstructive genealogy that seeks the openings, fractures and cracks while the anxieties, erasures and rewrites. Before the examining of the good or the cannibal, savage at the threshold of the inaugural scene, crystallization seconds before the conqueror "write[s] the body of the other and trace there his own history" Certeau The Writing of History xxv we find the origins of heterology.
Furthermore, though the letter is a foundational text? Rather, it makes evident the extent to which our understanding of identity is the result of romantic and nationalistic readings of the colonial period; the extent to which the concepts of friend and enemy, sameness and difference facilitate national constructions of the colonial past; the extent towhich the dialectics of friendship and enmity structures the field of the political Derrida Politics of Friendship , indeed, structures the community of the nation.
There is something spectral in the way in which the Indian still remains at once friend, brother, ancestor, and enemy. In its capacity to perform all of these tasks at once, the Indian is the master trope of all the otherness that constitutes the sense of national self in Latin American countries. Discourse on the Other, trans. Brian Massumi Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, xxv. De Certeau calls heterology the science for the investigation of the other.
Face-to-Face and Play in Caminha's "Letter to the King" Finally, in a present wrecked by the collapse of emancipatory metanarratives, the rescuing of the past's unfulfilled promises is also the question of the utopia for our present. In such formulation, to the otherness of our own past constitutes a opening precondition for the emergence of utopia-that is, of what is possible to claim and legitimate to imagine in a given historical moment.
Thus, the dancing passage suggests possible openings to the necessary rethinking of utopia. This is because to think historically the early modes of subalternization is to consider as well the historical alternatives that did not develop.
What were the kinds of friendship thatwere possible but did not prosper? What did theymean? What is their legacy?
These colonial texts are the repository of historical memory, both in the sense that they were and are the vehicles of social violence but also in the sense that they constitute the horizon that houses the possible and thus are the proper grounds for rethinking Utopian thought.
A response to those will allow us to claim new forms of friendship for the present. What is the political impact and range of this. Derrida Politics of Friendship Derrida does not engage the colonial the one sphere of Though world? If the first invokes feelings of commitment, responsibility and the latter, by contrast, gives meaning to animosity, hostility and domination.
Such loyalty, elaborate argues Derrida, "has become the real structure of the political. And just as imperialist prose rests on the suppression of dialogism, the future of the political lays on our ability to see through hegemonic formations and break them loose for our Therein lies the attempt to articulate, through notions such as advantage.
In the meantime, however, we will do well in looking beyond 51For a general overview of the relevance the concept of friendship of to political see the issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political philosophy 2.
I should also mention a recent book, by Philosophy Francisco no relation to this author , a Spanish philosopher working in Brazil, that Ortega engages questions of friendship and ethics, but from the perspective of Foucault's later See, Francisco Ortega, Amizade e est? Biblioteca de Filosof? Francisco Ortega 37 at the past and rescue thosemoment wherein repressed modes of sociability speak from the other side of the divide, of the river and demand thatwe move beyond the amicable entanglement of friend and enemy: Let us say yes to who or what turns up, before any determination, before any anticipation, before any identification, whether or not it has to do with a foreigner, an immigrant, an invited guest, or an unexpected visitor, whether or not the new arrival is the citizen of another country, a human, animal, or divine creature, a living or dead thing, male or female.
In other words, there would be an antinomy, an insoluble antinomy, a non dialectizable antinomy between, on the one hand, The law of unlimited hospitality to give the new arrival all of one's home and oneself, to give him or her one's own, our-own, without asking a name, or compensation, or the fulfillment of even the smallest condition , and on the other hand, the laws in the plural , those rights and duties that are always conditioned and conditional.
Derrida Of Hospitality 11 Dias's should not lead us to the conclusion that Diogo extraordinary face-to-face colonization was better or worse than that conducted other Portuguese by European colonial powers. It is, however, an encounter among different with recognizably people which early modern authors cannot come to terms and, by recent neither judging history, can we.
Theorizing such untheorized encounter makes available the possibility? In such founding festive encounter one may even say is not a postmetaphysical? Past play and the history of unrealized promises as resources for what might come.
These are the seeds of all future friendships. Works Cited Abreu, Jo? O descobrimento do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro Martins Fontes, Alencastro, Luiz Felipe de. O trato dos viventes. Companhia das Letras, Althusser, Louis. Lenin and Philosophy and Other Trans. Ben Brewster. New Essays. Monthly Review P, The "Art" of Rhetoric. John Henry Freese.
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Cannibalism and the Colonial World. Barreto, Lu? Descobrimentos e renascimento: Nacional-Casa da Moeda, The Semiotic Challenge. Richard Howard. Bethencourt, Francisco, and Kirti N Chaudhuri, eds. Historia da expans? Boxer, Charles Ralph. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, Carcanet-Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Pinto, Cesar. Revisited, Brazil Rediscovered. Asela Rodriguez de Laguna. New Brunswick: Transaction, Portuguese Language. Brotton, Jerry. Mapping the Globe in Early Modern Europe.
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Pero Vaz de. Carta a el Rei D. Leonardo Arroyo. Caminha, Dominus Editora, A carta e Pero Vaz de Caminha. Livros de Portugal ltda, New Castiglione, Baidersar.
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Duviols, Jean Paul. Egea, Juan. La poes? Vizor, Forthcoming. Fabian, Johannes. Time and the Other. How Anthropology Makes itsObject. Historia general y natural de las Indias. Valladolid Juan P? Atlas, Ferronha, Antonio Lu? O encontr? Caminho, Fonseca, Pedro. Ideario e estrategias narrativas confrontados em Colombo. Gaylord, Mary.
Some American Reflections. Regionalism Revisited in Latin America. Doris Sommer. Duke UP, Gerbi, Antonello. Nature in the New World. From Colombus to Gonzalo Cristopher Fern? La natura delle Indie Nove.
Da Cristoforo Colombo a Gonzalo Fern? Riccardo Ricciardi Editore, Dom Manuel's acceptance of Caminha's plea for friars should lay the foundation for the proper harmony between the political which views the Tupinamba as allies and spiritual realm which views them as novices.
According to the Roteiro, shortly before turning the expedition a Cape of Good Hope inDecember of , the fleet entered small bay, which they called S? Roberto Gonz? Hakluyt Society, Descobrimentos e renascimento: Ifwe follow her lead we come to the rather obvious and obviously necessary realization that the letter cannot be considered self-sufficient.
These scenes, alongside Caminhas affirmations that the natives bodies are so clean and so fat and so beautiful that they could not be more so 23 , have been read as evidence of Caminhas genuine respect for Amerindians. Timber was an important resource to secure for the building of ships and permanent settlements. Barreto, Lu?